maandag 12 oktober 2015


You Can Change The World!

The effects of glocalization on online petition platforms


Last Saturday thousands of people protested in Amsterdam against the infiltration of TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) in the Netherlands. The TTIP is a bi-lateral trade agreement between the European Union and the United States. Important segments of the agreement are that the TTIP gives big companies more action power and it reduces a nation’s standards (think of environmental or banking legislations for instance) and lawful regulations that could be preventing big companies from distributing their products. In many cities in Europe people protested against this EU-US agreement, because they generally feel that the profit and commercialization interests will come to surpass the care for human health. People's thoughts about the TTIP were massively shared through online platforms specialized in call-to-action and online petitions. Those are petitions that are signed online, usually through a form on a website, and can be filled out by anyone in the world who has access to the internet. In today’s blogpost we will introduce a new kind of world citizen who increasingly feels that local issues should be a global responsibility.



In this blogpost we would like to make use of the analysis of glocalization, social movements and the concept of community media by Vicki Mayer. Mayer is a professor of communication and media at Tulane University. Glocalization refers to the idea that producers need to change international media products to the standards of local sites (Mikos and Perrota in Mayer 12). Mark Deuze, a scholar working for the University of Amsterdam, writes about glocalization in a similar way, stating that the concept is characterized by “the mutually reinforcing developments of localization and globalization” (59). At the same time, Mayer takes into account that social movements are becoming more and more global due to the use of the internet (13). In her article she addresses multiple theories about community media production, but for this blogpost we will use Ellie Rennie’s definition in which the “stabilizing [of] non-profit and non-governmental media production” and “media literacy and consumer education” are key (19). Deuze equivalently refers to community media as “communities of interest around content” (79). Furthermore, Hesmondhalgh and Baker note that these online media communities result in a new kind of consumer, one who not only signs petitions, but also has the possibility to produce them (387).

In the last few years the internet has witnessed a rise in the amount of online petitions on popular websites like www.change.org, www.ipetition.com or avaaz.org. Online petitions often serve the purpose of signing for or against something and use the medium as a means to transcend national borders and get international support. These websites have different sectors for petitions, from stop-shotgun, to animal ethics, to our example of TTIP. People now realize that they can unite in a way that has never been done before, namely transnationally. This could result in the rise of a new kind of community, characterized by its ability to affect change without being limited to territorial borders.

Online petition platforms can be seen as a type of ‘community media’. Despite the fact that they do not revolve around the production of media for the purpose of profit making, they do attempt to reach international audiences to encourage (local) change and call-to-action. In this sense, online petitions can be considered glocalized: they mobilize people on a global scale in order to attempt local change (Mayer 12). People end up forming online “communities of interest” around content that is meaningful to them or they become advocates in fighting for things they believe should change (Deuze 79). With enough pressure from said internet communities, who sometimes even enter the realm of internet vigilantism, change does occur. An example of this is the case of the dentist who killed Cecil the lion. He had to close his practise as a result of much negative attention in the media and pressure from the internet. Victories for online petition communities are felt both locally and globally when change occurs. Participants will feel more empowered, which will strengthen and promote the building of these kinds of communities.



Petition sites do not only encourage audiences to take part in a social movement, but many also invite the audience to actively partake in creating petitions to meet their own political ends (Mayer 13). This new wave of online-activism that transcends national borders and motivates the audience to be involved in global affairs is not a hype, but rather a new characterization of the new kind of “citizen of the world”. A citizen of the world is someone who is not only concerned with national affairs, but also feels responsible for events occurring in other parts of the world. In order to relate this to the TTIP example and the rise of petition sites, we need to acknowledge that people from around the world are able to unite believing that they can make a change. They consolidate to address a particular government’s decision on a continental scale. Protestors against the TTIP treaty join together, because it enables big US companies to sue EU governments.

In conclusion, in recent years a new kind of world citizen has arised on the internet: one who feels the need to participate in global affairs as well as being connected to the local. Online petitioning is a prime example of a media platform making use of this development. Online petition websites have become increasingly more popular over the years, and they can be seen as a reflection of community media and glocalization. The TTIP treaty is but one example of the many ways in which people from all over the world are becoming increasingly engaged with local affairs. Through online media platforms and communities, we are turning essentially territorial issues into a global concern.

Thesis statement: Online petition platforms are mirroring developing concepts in the field of the creative industries such as media community and glocalization, resulting in a new kind of world citizen #TTIP

Initials: GK, RO, AL

Works Cited

David Hesmondhalgh & Sarah Baker (2011), ‘Toward a Political Economy of Labor in the Media Industries’, in: Janet Wasko, Gragham Murdock & Helena Sousa (eds.), The Handbook of Political Economy of Communications. Blackwell Publishing, pp. 381-400.
Vicki Mayer (2013), ‘Making Media Production Visible’, in: Vicki Mayer (ed.), The International Encyclopedia of Media Studies, Volume II: Media Production. Blackwell Publishing, 2013.
Mark Deuze (2007), ‘Creative Industries, Convergence Culture and Media Work’, in: Media Work. Cambridge & Malden: polity, pp. 45-83.


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Made in Mexico señores!
The market forces of Mexican TV broadcasting and its reflection of change is global contemporary Media

In this blogpost we will write about how independent and local film productions are getting increasingly more popular outside of its national borders. We chose the Mexican movie La Dictadura Perfecta (2014) as a case study. Moreover, we will describe how most broadcasting in Mexico is done by only two big companies, the duopoly of Televisa and Azteca TV, which means that these two businesses decide what people get to see and not get to see. The independent film La Dictadura Perfecta addresses this issue by depicting Mexican broadcasters as manipulators of the people and even the government. The movie was later sold to Netflix (2015), thereby making its way across national borders, and as a collateral result many tourists started visiting its film location. The increasing popularity of independent and local film productions demonstrates that big companies are losing their previous social manipulation and power over the mexican population.

In this blogpost we would like to make use of the analysis of the market model and the public sphere model of media by Croteau and Hoynes. “The market model suggests that society’s needs can best be met through a relatively unregulated process of exchange based on the dynamics of supply and demand”, whereas “The public sphere model suggests that society’s needs cannot be met entirely through the market system” (Croteau and Hoynes 17, 21). We will use Michael Curtin’s theories on local media policy as well, emphasizing that policy makers are increasingly supporting locales that “seem to be gathering talent and resources” (552). Very briefly we also refer to Stijn Reijnders’ concept of lieux d’imagination, which explains “how people actively search for material references to reinforce their notions of ‘imagination’ as well as ‘reality’” (48).

In October 2014 the film La Dictadura Perfecta (The Perfect Dictatorship) was released in Mexico as a political parody. The movie was made by a Mexican independent film company, with local production and directed by Luis Estrada. Despite the film’s label as ‘parody’, it is actually a satire that mocks Mexico’s current government and claims to be taking a look at problems in Mexican society, like violence, manipulation of mass media, and government corruption. 


The film revolves around scrutinizing the role of Mexican TV broadcasters and revealing their amount of power. At this point it is important to remark that about 94% of the Mexican television broadcasting market is owned by only two corporations: Televisa and Azteca TV. An economical and mercantilist vision rules the Mexican TV market, where the social capital losses do not matter as long as there are abundant private profits.

In La Dictadura Perfecta, Mexican broadcasting companies are charged with corruption, dictatorship, and being selective in the manner in which they distribute news. The film remarks the media power in Mexico´s reality: the critical civic consciousness anesthetized  to the point of generalizing political conformism and encourage a profitable apathy. According to the filmmakers, Televisa and Azteca TV are often putting occurrences in either a positive or negative light in order to meet their own will or that of their benefactors. These broadcasters would thus fit into the market model of media, because their main success lies in making profits, whereas Luis Estrada uses the public sphere model of media, using his film to spread information and ideas to the public sphere (Croteau & Hoynes 16, 22).

The point of the movie was not only to bring forward claims about how the distribution of news is being controlled by the two biggest television broadcasters, but more importantly to bring forth a sense of awareness of media manipulation in the Mexican community (Curtin 551). The movie seeks to stimulate people to question the distribution of media in Mexico by television broadcasters. According to La Dictadura Perfecta, people need to be both critical of what is presented as well as become more active in debates in the Mexican public sphere. As Croteau and Hoynes state: “Even films and music can participate in and stimulate public debate about significant ideas and issues” (35). The government ridiculed the film, but did not attempt to stop its production or distribution. In 2011, however, Televisa - who was initially on board for funding and airing the movie - suddenly withdrew all its support and funding after reading the full script. Despite the several controversies, the movie was not censored in the end, a move which the director believes would have only helped to its spread.

Aside from stimulating critical thinking in the Mexican community, the film also helped other realms of Mexican society such as tourism. After La Dictadura Perfecta was released, the Mexican city of Durango - where the movie was filmed -  saw a sudden increase in visitors. People wanted to visit sights that are depicted in the film. Instead of being critical, Mexicans are mostly proud of those locations (Reijnders 47). Local productions are gradually becoming more and more important in Mexico and even outside of Mexico. 

Mexican cinema and television are said to be making new waves due to famous directors who have received worldwide fame by making popular films in Hollywood, such as Alejandro González Iñárritu, Guillermo del Toro and AlfonsoCuarón. 

Iñárritu, Del Toro and Cuarón
This new phase that Mexican broadcasting is gradually entering is characterized by funding local productions rather than big blockbusters by Televisa or Azteca TV, and also promoting them outside of Mexico’s borders. According to Curtin Chinese, Arab and Indian film making is undergoing a similar transformation (542-4).

La Dictadura Perfecta has begun to spread beyond the borders of Mexico since Netflix decided to add the movie to its database in March 2015. Since then it has been available to Latin American Netflix. Netflix’s choice has not so much to do with ideas in the film, but more with Netflix’s own expansion into a larger portfolio for the Latin America market. We gradually see how more and more local series and movies from around the world are added to their database, in addition to mainstream American series which can be seen everywhere. 




Even though La Dictadura Perfecta is not yet available outside of Latin America, it is still a reflection of the way media capital is developing globally; the American media industry is no longer the only important source of media in the world (Curtin 551).  

In this short reflection we have looked at the independent film La Dictadura Perfecta and how that movie has influenced Mexican TV market shares, transnational distribution, and local pride connected to tourism. In conclusion, local productions are increasing in their popularity and reaching massive social spheres with powerful messages, are gradually viewed more often outside of its national borders, and can result in local pride through flourishing tourism to famous film settings.


Statement: The increasing popularity of independent media with local production sites indicates that big media broadcasters will cease to be the only source of information #LaDictaduraPerfecta

Works Cited

Initials

RO, GK, AL
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